What the Montgomery Boycott Showed Us

The story of the Montgomery Bus Boycott is a testament to the enduring strength and dignity of Black Americans. Denied the basic right of equal access to public transportation in Montgomery, Black citizens were relegated to sitting only in the rear of the bus. The front rows were reserved for white people—even it there were few or none on the bus.  Even more degrading, Blacks, regardless of their age or physical well-being, were forced to relinquish their seats to white passengers if they got on the bus.

The boycott demanded immense courage. Participants endured job losses, exhausting work schedules (many worked as volunteer drivers to help their fellow citizens), and the daily trek across the city—walking miles in all weather conditions—to uphold their principles.

Their peaceful protest was met with intimidation and violence, including attacks in the streets and the bombing of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s home. Still, they refused to yield.

No Turning Back

Despite the adverse conditions, the Black people organized to stand up for the respect and the treatment they deserved.  Many Black people use the phrase, “we’ll find a way where there is no way.” They certainly did. (Dovey Johnson Roundtree‘s grandmother always told her “we’ll find a way when there is no way.” Roundtree did. She became a Black attorney in D.C. when there were few.)

The boycott dragged on for thirteen difficult months. While the victory was undeniable—Black citizens could finally sit where they chose on Montgomery buses—there was no jubilant celebration in the streets. Why celebrate the restoration of rights that should have been theirs from the start?

This account is based on The Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Women Who Started it: The Memoir of Jo Ann Gibson Robinson. Robinson (1912-1992) was chair of the Montgomery Women’s Political Council at the time of the boycott. She documented how the Black citizens of Montgomery brought about the needed change.   

What Was So Important About Bus Seating?

In Montgomery, the first ten rows (out of 36) of every metropolitan bus were reserved for white people even when there were no white riders. Today bus riders often prefer to sit in the back to get out of the fray as people got on and off the buses. But in Montgomery, the rear seats in Montgomery often came with humiliation:

In the 1950s, there were no bus tokens or passes. People paid in coins. Bus drivers made change for white riders but generally not for Black riders. When a Black person paid for a transfer slip, the driver sometimes threw it at the rider who then had to stoop to pick it up.

Black riders always paid the driver at the front of the bus, but often, particularly if they were carrying packages, they were told to board through the rear doors. It was not uncommon for a bus driver to pull away from the curb before all passengers boarded.

If all seats for Black riders were filled, then Black riders were still forbidden to sit in the empty “white” seats. Even at the end of a long day when they may have been on their feet for many hours, they were to stand above those empty “white” seats. If a Black person dared to sit down for a few moments, the bus driver generally stopped the bus and came back to stand over and yell at the offender. Sometimes the police were called.

Integration Spreading

Though some southern cities had integrated their transportation systems, many still had segregated buses. In 1955, the Interstate Commerce Commission ruled that segregated seating could not be enforced on bus lines that traveled across state lines. If a person boarded the bus in the North where there was no segregation on buses, the citizen of all colors had the right to stay in the seat they selected. When the buses crossed south of the Mason-Dixon line, they were still to have that right. Not all bus drivers honored this, however.

Read about Sarah Keys Evans, a Black soldier dressed in uniform. She boarded a bus in New Jersey. As the bus traveled South, she was ordered to move seats to give her seat to a white sailor.

Organizing for Action

Rosa Parks is the figurehead for the Montgomery bus boycott, but she would be first to say she was only a small part of the movement. Black citizens in Montgomery were already organizing to take action, and others had been arrested before Parks. The Women’s Political Council, headed by Jo Ann Robinson (who suffered her own indignity on a Montgomery bus), were waiting for an opportune time.

When Brown v. Board of Education was decided in 1954, the Women’s Council started paying attention. Maybe their time was coming.

Almost a year later, in March of 1955, fifteen-year-old Claudette Colvin boarded a bus and took a seat in the rear. As more and more people boarded the bus, the driver had a new demand. He announced that all Blacks should stand so that white people could choose their preferred seats.

Working Black people sensed trouble and got off the bus. They feared arrest and resulting job losses. But Claudette Colvin knew her rights and stayed in her seat. The police were called. She was arrested and forcibly removed.

The committee contemplating a boycott evaluated the situation. They decided it was unfair to place on Colvin’s young shoulders the responsibility for starting a boycott. (Today her family fully celebrates her strength in participating.)

Who Was Rosa Parks?

A few months later, they had another opportunity. The date was December 1, and Rosa Parks finished her long day as a seamstress in a downtown department store. As she waited for a bus, she let the first one go by. It was very crowded, and she knew she would never get a seat.  She decided to run an errand and take the next bus.

Rosa Parks was an active and esteemed member of the NAACP. Along with many others, she attended “citizenship schools” where Blacks were taught their civil rights and instructed on how to behave if they ran into trouble.

When the next bus came along, Parks boarded it and found a seat in the first row of seats reserved for “colored” people. As more white people boarded the bus, the bus driver demanded that Black people near the front of the bus should vacate their seats even though they were in rows designated for “colored” people.

When asked to move, Rosa Parks did not. Driver James Blake summoned the police and had her arrested. Her court date was set for the following Monday, December 5.

The Needed Opportunity

The Women’s Political Council planned for months for the possibility of a boycott for a “better seating arrangement.” They knew the word “integration” would not be tolerated. If there were few white people on the bus, should Blacks who worked a long day have to stand over empty seats on their way home?

After Parks was arrested, the Women’s Council went into action. They planned for a one-day boycott to be held on Monday, December 5, the day Rosa Parks would be in court. Quietly they passed out slips of paper informing people of the latest arrest and noting that in protest on Monday, December 5, no one should board a city bus.

On the evening of December 4, a group meeting was held at Dexter Avenue Baptist Church. Their new young minister, Martin Luther King Jr., had recently moved into town. He welcomed the group on behalf of the Women’s Political Council and the other city groups that were joining the boycott. Plans for the next day were made and another meeting was set for the next night to assess future actions.  

The one-day boycott went off seamlessly. The Bus Company generally had 20-25,000 Black riders each day; only a few got on board. Many people walked to work. Black neighbors with cars volunteered to drive those who needed rides. Some people were not able to walk all the way to their jobs and were fired. Though losing a job was serious, most people were still invested in the cause.

The Next Night

The evening of December 5, the group made was very satisfied. They hoped for somewhat more than 50 percent participation in the boycott and found that more than 95 percent complied. The participants had an exhausting difficult day but they didn’t want to get back on to the buses and suffer abuse.

As they organized, Black businesspeople joined the Women’s Political Council, and the Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance (all Black ministers) officially agreed to help as well.

Everyone in attendance was impressed with the new minister Martin Luther King Jr. who was only 26. They asked him to lead the boycott.

As they considered their list of needs to keep the boycott going, they asked for volunteer drivers to help out when they could. This often meant people finished their regular job and added on 4-6 hours of driving. Black taxi drivers agreed to take passengers for just ten cents a ride.

Working from a city map, routes were decided, and pick-up points were chosen.

Funding the Boycott

Mrs. Georgia Gilmore, one of the meeting’s attendees, had already suffered an arrest for sitting in the wrong seat. She became one of the most ardent supporters. She formed “The Club from Nowhere” and undertook fund-raising via baked goods. Initially members sold to people individually but as the strike went on, stores and restaurants placed big orders. The food was that good!

Not to be left behind, Mrs. Inez Ricks organized “The Friendly Club.” They too raised money by selling baked goods. The two groups relished what became friendly competition. A highlight of the regular Monday meetings was hearing from each group how much money they raised. Everyone celebrated for which ever group won the week.

Money initially went to reimburse drivers for gasoline. As the strike continued, the Montgomery Improvement Association tried to pay the people who were working as volunteer drivers.

Negotiations Begin

The Montgomery Improvement Association set up meetings with representatives from the National City Lines Bus Company and city commissioners. Their request was for three changes:

1. A better seating arrangement.
2.  civil behavior on the part of bus drivers.
3. The hiring of Black drivers.

For the white people, the solution was clear. Blacks would sit from back to front… whites would sit from front to back. When all the seats were filled then Black people would be expected to stand for any white person who got on a bus. The administrators offered no other assurances.

Expanding the MIA Efforts

As the boycott continued, The MIA hired attorneys to follow the issues and come up with possible solutions.

As mostly empty buses rolled through mid-sized Montgomery with 20-25,000 Black people refusing to ride, the story attracted national attention.

Because many parts of the United States had done away with most forms of segregation in transportation, the resistance from white people seemed uncalled for. What’s more, the publicized beat-downs by the bus drivers smacked of unacceptable behavior.

MIA Kept Refining the System

While the Black population of Montgomery remained strong, it wasn’t easy. There were many cold, dark and rainy days when the thought of walking to work or waiting for a carpool was miserable and depressing. When would this end, and why did this have to go on? But despite the discomfort of bad weather, long walks, and major inconvenience, the people were determined to see change. 

The Montgomery Improvement Association also worked hard to refine the structure of the boycott. The MIA created a wheel-and-spoke transportation system as they saw what workers needed. People were driven to a central location to meet up with cars scheduled to drive in the direction they needed to go.

Fortunately, two Black residents owned downtown properties. They donated part of their land for pickups and drop-offs. This meant town police could not interfere with the transfer of passengers.

In addition to the organized plan, many drivers—Black and a few white—picked up people who were walking. It became a social occasion that improved the experience.

Increased Strength

For 13 months, 325 car owners demonstrated extraordinary commitment. They volunteered to drive shifts after their regular jobs. Initially, these drivers absorbed the cost of gasoline themselves, a significant personal sacrifice.

As the boycott garnered national attention, the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) began reimbursing expenses and, thanks to increasing donations, eventually provided a small stipend for the tireless efforts of drivers. This growing support also enabled the MIA to acquire 12 station wagons, either purchased or donated, which became official vehicles for the movement.

Ramifications

The National Bus Line suffered mightily. Their ridership consisted of seventy-five to eighty percent Black citizens. Of the few white riders remaining, there was not enough income to cover the busing costs. Eventually the bus line dropped certain routes and laid off 39 drivers.

Frustrated by the continuing strike, the city administration told the police commissioner to get tough to try to force riders back on the buses. The police were to break up any groups of Black people standing waiting for their ride.

The police also stopped drivers and gave tickets for bogus or minor offenses. Dr. King was driving a carpool and was arrested and jailed for supposedly driving 30 miles per hour in a 25-mile zone. He was taken to the municipal jail to be locked up overnight, but word traveled fast.

As boycotters heard about King, they came to the municipal jail to wait for his release. The crowd became overwhelming, so the police set a court date and released him.

On January 23, 1956, both sides became frustrated by the lack of progress, and all meetings stopped for a time. Shortly after that (January 30, 1956), a bomb was tossed at Martin Luther King’s house. The porch was badly damaged but no one was hurt. Two days later the home of organizer E.D. Nixon was also bombed.

Something had to be done.

Integration

Initially the Montgomery Improvement Association avoided the word “integration,” feeling it was a nonstarter with the white administrators. But as the city ignored the request for better seating, the attorneys advised filing a lawsuit against segregated bus seating. The suit was filed on February 1, 1956.

The harassment by the city continued. Later in February, the city indicted 80 boycott leaders under Alabama’s anti-conspiracy laws. 

In mid-March Dr. King was indicted as the leader of the boycott and told to pay $500 or serve 386 days in jail. He paid to stay to help with the boycott.

Case Finally Heard

On May 11, 1956, a three-judge federal panel finally heard the February 1 anti-segregation case. With a final vote of two to one, the panel agreed that segregated buses violated the 14^th Amendment of the Constitution of the United States.  

But the decision was not announced until June 5, so the people kept walking.

Once the announcement was made, legal maneuvering followed. Eventually the case was accepted by the U.S. Supreme Court.  On November 13, the Supreme Court upheld the lower court ruling and struck down laws requiring racial segregation on buses.

The Montgomery Improvement Association vowed to maintain the boycott until the new order was officially implemented.

On Thursday, December 20, 1956–nearly six weeks after the Supreme Court ruling–U.S. marshals delivered the official paperwork to the bus company and to Montgomery city officials.

On December 21, 1956, the Montgomery buses began rolling with the new mandate. They were to pick up riders of all colors, and anyone could sit in any seat they wanted.

Riders Slow to Return

Dr. King, Ralph Abernathy and Jo Ann Robinson, head of the Women’s Political Council, were among the boycott leaders who rode buses on the first day of the new law. Other bus riders were slow to trust, but eventually they began to ride did.

It was a clear and total victory for those who stood up for civil rights, but there was no cheering or rejoicing. There were no street parties.

The Black citizens of Montgomery suffered and fought to get the rights they already deserved. Where is the joy in that?

Change is worth fighting for, but no one ever says it is easy.

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